Critical analysis of cultural values found in Nigerian mass media advertisements.

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Author: Alozie, Emmanuel C.1 e-alozie@govst.edu

This study uses critical cultural analysis to ascertain the cultural values and ideas manifested in advertisements in Nigerian mass media advertising. Nigerian advertisements use Western and traditional cultural values, but neither traditional nor Western values and appeals are dominant. Family and savings serve as the most consistent forms of appeal used in Nigerian advertisements. Family is related to other values such as love, care, protection, and investment. Western values such as individualism, image, youth, and exploitation of nature are also used.

The role of advertising in a market economy is to inform as well as educate consumers about products and services. To achieve these goals, advertisers employ a variety of values in their appeals. An advertising appeal may be defined as a creative attempt to motivate consumers toward some form of activity, or to influence attitudes to make a product or service attractive or interesting to the consumer (Wells, Burnett, & Moriarty, 1992). [1]

As a vehicle for promoting social modernization, the impact of utilizing advertising to promote consumerism in developing societies remains a subject of intense debate. Roberts (1987) points out that the debate about the influence of advertising in most societies, especially developing nations, revolves around one primary issue -- do advertising messages reflect the cultural values of the developing and traditional societies within which they are communicated, or do they seek to introduce Western values that reinforce the consumption habits of the capitalist-industrial world? The present study found that that Nigerian advertisements use Western and traditional cultural values, but that neither traditional nor Western values and appeals dominated the other. [2]

Critics allege that advertising relies on overwhelmingly persuasive and symbolic images to sell products and services by "associating them with certain socially desirable qualities, but they sell, as well, a world view, a life-style, and a value system congruent with the imperatives of consumer capitalism" (Kellner, 1988, p. 37). Activists in developing nations, supported by some Western scholars, claim this is especially true in developing countries such as Nigeria, where multinational organizations depend on advertising to convey covert propaganda, thus circulating Western-made messages, imagery, lifestyles, and socio-economic values at the expense of traditional ideas (Fejes, 1980; Janus, 1986; Schiller, 1979). Most of these countries do not have the resources to monitor the activities of the advertisers (Fejes, 1980; Janus, 1986; Schiller, 1979). [3]

In Nigeria the government does not strictly regulate the advertising industry, but a government agency is responsible for overseeing the activities of the industry. A few products and services are highly regulated. Cigarette advertisements are monitored to ensure that they carry health warnings, while pharmaceutical products are monitored to ensure they do not make exaggerated claims. The agency also monitors outdoor (billboard) advertising to control environmental pollution. However, there are trade organizations that conduct self-regulation to ensure that their members adhere to a code of conduct and the prevailing laws in order to avoid intense government scrutiny. Transnational advertising through the Internet and satellite dishes is common, but, at present, the government is unable to censor or monitor it. [4]

Past studies of cross-cultural advertising have dealt with the portrayal of gender roles in television promotions, creative strategies, themes, information contents, execution, and humor (Ahmad, 1995; Cheng, 1997; Cheng & Schweitzer, 1996; Frith & Wesson, 1991; Mueller, 1987; Zandpour et al., 1994). Differences exist in advertising messages and appeals, and they are often assumed to reflect cultural variations. It may be argued that these studies have dealt with the interplay between advertising and cultural values both within and across cultures. They employ quantitative methods such as content analysis at the expense of qualitative methods (Zandpour et al., 1994). Few, if any, have dealt with Africa, and those that have rely on qualitative content analysis techniques (al-Olayan & Karande, 2000; Harris & Attour, 2000). The present study utilizes qualitative content analysis. [5]

The present study will use qualitative analysis techniques to ascertain the cultural values and ideas manifested in advertisements in Nigerian mass media advertising. When used to uncover the meaning hidden beneath mass media artifacts, cultural criticism provides an avenue for scholars to study cultures that have been oppressed socially, politically, economically, or militarily (Brummett, 1994). To accomplish this task, this study attempts to discern the cultural values implicit in the advertisements by answering the following research questions.

• What are the dominant positive cultural values and ideas found in Nigerian advertisements?

• What are the dominant negative values and ideas found in Nigerian advertisements?

• What are the positive values and ideas absent in these advertisements?

• What are the negative values and ideas absent in these advertisements?

• Are universal values conveyed in Nigerian mass media advertisements? [6]

By answering these questions, this study will serve as one of the few that examines the value content of mass media advertisements in Nigeria or any other African country (al-Olayan & Karande, 2000; Harris & Attour, 2000). I would like to stress that this is an exploratory study that aims to make a broad sketch of the themes and images present in the advertisements found in one African country. There is no attempt at quantification, and so the conclusions presented here should not be generalized to other milieu, nor can they be applied to the totality of Nigerian advertisements. Indeed, I hope that the present study will stimulate others to undertake a more rigorous examination of the issues that I have raised here. [7]

To understand the cultural messages conveyed by advertising, it is necessary to explain divergent interpretations of culture. Parekh (1995) states that, if defined broadly, culture "refers to the body of beliefs and practices governing the conduct of the relevant area, be it a specific activity, an aspect of human experience, an organization or human life was whole," but when used in an unqualified way, "it may refer to beliefs and practices regulating all or major areas of human life, and have broadly the same meaning as the older term 'a way of life'" (p. 165). However, when culture is used as an adjective and qualified, "the adjective expresses a judgment on it, or points to its bearer, or highlights a specific area of life" (p. 165). Parekh explains that the term 'primitive culture' is used to describe a way of life judged to be backward and insufficiently advanced, while 'advanced culture' has the contrary meaning. On the other hand, 'moral' or 'political' culture is conceived to be a set of beliefs and practices that govern the conduct respectively of moral and political life. [8]

Referring to the cultural values and meaning conveyed in advertising, Dyer (1982) argues that "[t]he meaning of an advertisement is not something there, statistically inside an ad, waiting to be revealed by a 'correct' interpretation. What an ad means depends on how it operates, how signs and its 'ideological' effect are organized internally (within the text) and externally (in relation to its production, circulation and consumption and in relation to technological, economic, legal and social relation). ... Ads are not invisible conveyors of messages or transparent reflections of reality, they are specific discourses or structures of signs (Dyer, 1982, p. 115). [9]

As a form of mass media artifact, Hyun (1990) observes that an advertising text is culturally contextualized (cultural-based principles of meaning); that is, its meaning is based on a consumer's interpretation or perception (when it is decoded). Advertisers tend to encode their messages by adapting the cultural values, languages, ideas, and norms shared by a group. Although advertisers and consumers in a society may share common values and meanings, their goals vary. Advertisers use the medium to manipulate and persuade consumers to purchase, while consumers use it as a source of information about goods and services that helps them make informed purchasing decisions. This process allows advertisers and consumers to participate in the creation, production, and consumption of advertising (Leiss, Kline, & Jhally, 1990). The degree of influence exerted by the advertiser and consumer remains a subject of debate. However, if one considers the purpose of advertising, it could be argued that those who create advertising exert a greater influence since they control the content. [10]

In the West, it may be true that advertisers and consumers share common culturally derived meaning, but this is questionable in developing countries where the cultural values of dominant Western advertisers (multinationals) and consumers differ. This may account for criticism of the dominance of Western multinational advertising activities in developing nations, where they have been accused of using Western values and promotional appeals to promote consumerism at the expense of socioeconomic development and traditional culture (Fejes, 1980; Janus, 1986). [11]

As explained above, both in the developing and developed parts of the world the differing goals of advertisers and consumers influence the consumer's interpretation of advertising messages. A consumer's understanding of a message in an advertisement occurs consciously or unconsciously, and is influenced by a group's socially shared values, but not necessarily by individual traits (Hall, 1980). However, the meaning consumers ascribe to advertising might not be the intended message an advertiser planned to convey. The conflict between the goal of advertisers and consumers' interpretation of advertising messages may account for the controversy regarding the role advertising plays in many societies. [12]

This debate has contributed to the growing use of qualitative approaches, such as the critical-cultural approach, to explore the cultural values conveyed in advertising artifacts to determine their meaning. Critical analysts rely on artifacts used or produced in a particular culture for analysis. Concerned with the generation of meaning, cultural analysis is essentially Marxist in the traditions of Louis Althusser and Antonio Gramsci, though the approach is inflected with structuralist and ethnographic accents (Fiske, 1992). [13]

Differences in cultural values among societies have led to the development of numerous cultural concepts. Studies on the role of culture in advertising have relied on these cultural models which include Hall's (1959) Primary Message Systems; Hall and Hall's (1990) High-Context versus Low-Context Cultures; Hofstede's Four Dimensions of Culture (1980; 1983) and Murdock's (1955) Common Denominator of Cultures (Universals). [14]

Reliance on these models could be attributed to the notion that advertising is reflective of societal values (Hong, Muderrisogolu, & Zinkhan, 1987; Leiss, Kline, & Jhally, 1990; Pollay & Gallagher, 1990). Members of a specific society tend to adhere to their norms, including their style of thinking, language, religion, attitudes, and perceptions (Cheng, 1997; Pollay & Gallagher, 1990). Africans have established longstanding traditional norms dealing with social ethics, moral principles, religious beliefs, modes of production, in addition to distribution of goods and services. [15]

According to Oladipo (1995), when European colonizers arrived in Africa, they viewed Africans as "an inferior race of people whose religions, where they had any, were without any abiding values; they were people who generally lacked the intellectual and moral resources of the Europeans, whose mission in Africa was a 'civilizing mission'" (p. 27). That mission, Mungazi (1996) stated, led to the subjugation and destruction of African cultural values. However, many scholars dismiss the notion of the inferiority of African culture. African traditional values include religion as a way of life, supremacy of community and value of the individual, sanctity of authority (leadership), respect for old age, the value of time and its influence, and the concept of work and relationship to nature (Moemeka, 1997; Obeng-Quaidoo, 1986). [16]

It should be noted that these scholars do not claim other values do not exist in Africa, nor that differences do not exist among Africans. Rather, they contend these values are considered universal among Africans. Having been described as a medium that reflects societal values, the present study will utilize the typology of core African values developed by (Obeng-Quaidoo, 1986) and (Moemeka, 1997), as well as Murdock's (1955) Common Denominator of Cultures (Universals) to discern if Nigerian mass media advertisements use them. These values could be considered "desirables" (de Mooij, 1998). Murdock and other scholars agree with de Mooij. They point out that some values, such as good heath and hard work, are considered universal because they can be found in most cultures and are viewed as positive values that help a society to function and promote socialization and economic development. Anthropologists and social scientists developed universal values by combining values most commonly found in most parts of the world. [17]

As de Mooij (1997) notes, paradoxical values exist in various societies. While a society's values may be considered desirable (approved and accepted by entire society), these desirable values are susceptible to unwholesome conduct. For example, the sanctity of authority is a core African value, yet considerable disrespect for authority exists in most African countries. African value systems relate to nature as a force to be nurtured, but man exploits nature in the guise of socioeconomic development. Desirable values are construed in the following six ways. [18]

First, religion as a way of life. Traditional African religions (excluding Islam and Christianity) recognize two types of gods (the Supreme God and many lesser gods). Religion is present and persuasive in the routine of African life. Africans consult their gods through native doctors in order to determine the outcome of major events in their lives such as marriage, examinations, job promotion, farm production, money matters, travel, and even murder (Moemeka, 1997; Obeng-Quaidoo, 1986). [19]

Second, supremacy of community and value of the individual. African cultures recognize the value of the community over the individual. In African communalistic cultures, the welfare of the community supersedes the interests of the individual. Individuals must sacrifice their welfare for the welfare of the community (Moemeka, 1997; Obeng-Quaidoo, 1986). [20]

Third, respect for old age. Africans celebrate old age and treat the old with dignity and respect. Those who attain old age are viewed as having honored their duties, obeyed the Supreme God and the lesser gods, adhered to cultural mores, and worked for the good of the community as they led their lives. The old are viewed as a repository of knowledge and wisdom, resulting from their experiences and longevity. The old have more wisdom than the young. And therefore the young should respect, as well as learn from them. Knowledge is transferred through oral tradition (Moemeka, 1997; Obeng-Quaidoo, 1986). [21]

Fourth, the sanctity of authority (leadership). In traditional African societies, leadership comes from three sources: through appointments, through elders in a community; and from parents. African cultures view formal leadership roles as positions of honor, service, and responsibility. Appointed leaders earn their positions from records of good conduct, fairness, and generous contributions to the welfare of the community. Those in authority, such as village leaders, elders, and parents, must be deferred to when making decisions on important issues (Moemeka, 1997; Obeng-Quaidoo, 1986). [22]

Fifth, the concept of work and relationship to nature. Farming and nature are viewed as sources of wealth. The dependence on farming and nature may account for the respect Africans have for natural forces. They do not view nature as a force to be conquered or subdued. Instead, Africans believe nature should be respected and cooperated with in order to keep natural harmony. Because some Africans regard nature as a spiritual entity, they offer sacrifices to lesser gods prior to using a parcel of land or cutting down a tree from the earth. It is important that any development involving nature be conducted in a proper manner to avoid offending the gods who reside within. Some trees and forests are sacred. They cannot be tampered with for any reason except when offering sacrifices to the gods (Moemeka, 1997; Obeng-Quaidoo, 1986). [23]

Sixth, the value of time and its influence. African value systems do not view time in the linear fashion that Western cultures do. In most African cultures, time does not possess an indefinite past, present, and finite future. Among Africans, the concept of time is thought of as symbols of events. Time is viewed as a composition of events that have occurred: those taking place now (immediately) and those that may occur in the future (Moemeka, 1997; Obeng-Quaidoo, 1986). [24]

To answer the research questions discussed above, the present study uses qualitative content analysis. This method utilizes techniques that identify and explain patterns within a collection of texts (Berg, 2001). Qualitative content analysis allows a scholar to explore the ideological mind-set, themes, topics, and symbols revealed in an artifact such as advertising (Berg, 2001). Alaniz and Wilkes (1995) note that, in recent years, scholars have begun to show their impatience with the mere counting of symbolic objects, an approach typically employed in content analysis. Instead, scholars have turned their attention to critical analysis to study advertising texts holistically. [25]

Quantitative content analysis is defined as the systematic collection and objective interpretation of communication with the goal of determining the manifest content of advertisements (Kerlinger, 1986). However, quantitative content analysis is not the focus of this study. It will not be used for interpreting and measuring data. Content analysis will only be used for the systematic selection of advertisements to be analyzed so as to overcome the criticism that studies using qualitative approaches rely on a small number of artifacts not chosen systematically (Wimmer & Dominick, 1994). It should be noted that this is a base-line study; thus, no a priori content categories were used. Data on the position, size, and frequency of advertisements were not gathered. [26]

Hidden values embedded in an advertisement can be brought to the forefront by qualitative critical analysis (Stern, 1988). The concept of preferred reading was developed to explain how mass media artifacts could be examined critically (Hall, 1980). The theory has three strategies: dominant reading; negotiated reading; and oppositional reading. Those who agree with the messages presented in mass media produce dominant reading. Those who fit into the dominant ideology, but have not established a firm position, produce negotiated reading. Those who disagree with the messages conveyed by the mass media produce oppositional reading. Accordingly, two scholars may provide different interpretations of an advertising message because of their ideological starting point, or simply because a specific advertising conveys multiple meaning for different audiences. [27]

A total of 566 advertisements published in Nigerian print media (newspapers and magazines) in 1998 or aired on broadcast media (radio and television) in 1998 and 1999 were examined. Radio and print ads were selected through a systematic sample, while television ads were selected by a convenience sample of advertisements available and aired at Lagos State Television during the final three months of 1998 and the first three months of 1999. Logistical problems dealing with power failures made it difficult to obtain a systematic sample of television advertisements. The television station, owned by Lagos State Broadcasting Corporation , provided 22 (3.9%) of the advertisements analyzed.[28]

Radio advertisements were taped from three commercial radio stations in Lagos, Nigeria, over a two-week period from January 25, 1999, to February 8, 1999, between 7-9 a.m. and 6-10 p.m. Radio advertisements came from three commercial stations: Rhythm Rhythm FM 93.7, Ray Power 100.5 FM, and Cool FM 96.9 . They provided 57 (10%) of the sample. Based on listener surveys, these radio stations are regarded as the most popular in Lagos and other parts of the country where they can be heard. Nigeria does not have a systematic rating system like Nielsen. [29]

Three of Nigeria's leading newspapers -- The Guardian, ThisDay, and Daily Times -- were sampled over a two-week period and provided 434 (76.7%) ads. Dates included in the study were obtained by creating a composite two-week period for each newspaper during the last quarter of 1998 (Wimmer & Dominick, 1994). A sample representing each weekday was selected at random. For example, a sample of two Monday issues for The Guardian was randomly selected from the 12 possible Mondays during the period, followed by each day of the week until every day of the week was represented twice for each newspaper. Finally, all display advertisements appearing in every weekly issue (except one) of the magazines Tell and Newswatch published during the last three months of 1998 were included. Eleven issues of Tell and 12 issues of Newswatch were included. These weekly magazines provided 53 (9.4%) of the sample analyzed. In all cases duplicate advertisements were eliminated and non-commercial advertisements such as obituaries and advertorials were not included. [30]

Dominant positive and negative values embodied in these advertisements were identified. The present study defines a positive value as one that reflects Nigerian and African cultural traditional social values (Moemeka, 1997; Obeng-Quaidoo, 1986) and that conveys virtues of advertising (Langrehr & Caywood, 1989) or universal cultural values (Murdock, 1955). Negative values include Western-oriented values such as sex, youth, exploitation of nature, image, and individualism, which are not reflected among Nigerian and African traditional core values (Moemeka, 1997; Obeng-Quaidoo, 1986). A value is also described as having a negative connotation if it conveys the seven cardinal sins (Langrehr & Caywood, 1989). [31]

Dominant positive values contained in the analyzed advertisements were: family; love; savings; gift-giving; endurance; security; collectivism; motherhood; protection; truth; honesty; wisdom; ambition; service; nature; care; good health; togetherness; technology; personal development; and spiritual development. Dominant negative values were: consumerism; pleasure; youth; image; sex; dependence; corruption; laziness; foreign/Western symbols; and economic distortion. Relying on Brummet's (1994) critical technique and Frith's (1997) three-stage approach, an ideological analysis of a Cadbury advertisement from the back cover of the November 16, 1998, issue of Newswatch magazine serves as an example to explain how each advertisement in the sample was analyzed to discern the dominant values and contexts listed above. Surface meanings, intended meanings, and cultural/ideological meanings are examined. [32]

On its surface, the advertisement is a collage portraying nine people representing different professional and working backgrounds. The professionals portrayed include a physician and nurse, a businessman, a scientist, and two athletes (a footballer and tennis player). All are dressed in their professional outfits and seem ready to begin work. The only non-professional is a factory worker, wearing traditional attire and a hat. The football player is wearing a jersey and is poised to kick a ball, while the tennis player is wearing blue shorts and a white shirt. He seems to be engaged in a game. Of the nine, three are women. One of the three women is a scientist. She is wearing a lab gown bearing Cadbury's logo. The photos are placed to the left and right sides of the copy. The text is placed in the center, beneath a blaring headline that reads: WE SEE THE FUTURE. The name of the company is displayed at the end of the text. Cadbury's name is typed in purple and italicized for added distinction. The various beverages Cadbury produces are displayed from right to left side at the bottom of the page. On the right, the advertisement displays a staircase. Present on the top stair is the symbol for Nigerian currency (naira) and the letter "M" (representing million) behind the symbol. The attractiveness of this advertisement is enhanced by the use of color, especially because few Nigerian advertisements use color. [33]

With regard to the advertiser's intended meaning, the aim of portraying people in different professions underscores the fact that Cadbury has fed and continues to provide nutritious food to these people to make them healthy and energetic as they look to the future. The advertisement also promotes the value of family and collectiveness by grouping people [Nigerians] of various professions together. The staircase demonstrates that those who use Cadbury climb the ladder of success. [34]

The ideological meaning of the advertisement is somewhat different. By displaying the professionals and its products on the back cover of a leading magazine, Cadbury is telling readers that successful people have relied and still rely on its products for food and good health. To be successful, the advertisement implies, you must use Cadbury's products as part of your diet. It tells the public that only successful individuals can afford its products. [35]

The women the advertisement portrays have prominent roles: a nurse; college graduate; and scientist. The scientist works for Cadbury. The advertisement conveys the message that women are playing important roles in society, and Cadbury is at the forefront of employing and recognizing women for their contribution to the workforce. Unfortunately, this is not true. Women have made gains in Nigeria, but they remain subordinate to men. However, since Nigerian women are responsible for the bulk of household purchases, Cadbury realizes it must appeal to women in order to maintain or increase sales. [36]

It should also be noted that Cadbury has been operating in Nigeria for decades. It remains one of the most profitable Nigerian companies. Yet, the company is not known for offering scholarships to students or promoting research in Nigerian universities for agricultural development and food production. It is vaguely regarded as a sponsor for health programs that educate people. Cadbury does not participate in efforts to feed the poor. The failure of Cadbury and other multinationals to invest in Nigeria prompts one to question how Nigeria will build a prosperous future. The advertisement fails to mention that the Nigerian masses cannot afford this product; for all intents and purposes, its products can only be purchased by elites. Although the purpose of advertising is to compel consumers to purchase a product, critics allege that ads for luxury goods promote engagement in illegal activities to acquire money to purchase such goods. They also discourage savings. [37]

Based on this analysis, one could argue this advertisement conveys several values. It promotes positive values such as hard work, success, equality of women, and good health. On the other hand, while portraying women in professional roles, the advertisement also tells them that they must perform their role of feeding the family if they are to be healthy and strive for success. This message puts women in their place as homemakers and subordinates to their husbands. The advertisement did not portray men carrying out household activities. Although Africans view motherhood as a virtue in Africa, Cadbury sends contradictory messages. While promoting women as professionals, the ad nevertheless reminds its audience that women, unlike men, have a subordinate role to play at home. [38]

Advertisements in Nigerian mass media tend to use family to convey other values such as togetherness (Tell, Oct. 5, 1998, p. 18), caring fatherhood, respect, authority (ThisDay, Nov. 21, 1998, p. 8), and hard work. For example, in its radio spots, Cadbury, the maker of Bournvita, reminds parents that they must take care of their children by feeding them its product. The advertisement states that every child deserves nourishment for his or her well-being, and those who consume Bournvita will develop into healthy children. The advertiser realizes the emphasis the Nigerian value system places on family. [39]

Cadbury is one of many food manufacturers that claim their products provide good health for the family. In their radio spots, the producers of Sonola cooking oil, Lipton tea, Lipton super seasoning, and NASCO biscuits and corn flakes promote their products as tasteful and healthful. The radio advertisement for Lipton's super seasoning urges Nigerians to use the condiment in order to "wake up the flavor of your meals." The spot for Lipton's tea advises Nigerians that the company's tea is what families need to start and end the day in an active manner. NASCO claims its products provide vital minerals and stop hunger. The producer of Orheptal blood tonic also uses family appeal to promote the product. In a radio spot, families are reminded the product is also available in capsule form. The spot claims that Orheptal blood tonic purifies the blood, revitalizes a person, and rejuvenates the body after a day of hard work. The advertisement implies that a healthy and vital family is a proud one, and demonstrates that the family serves as a larger entity where all members take care of each other.[40]

Cornerstone Insurance uses the portrait of a sad-looking mother and her children (a boy and girl) to implore the public (heads-of-families) to take out life insurance policies and invest for the future security of the family. The advertisement implies that this is essential for the family's financial well-being in case the breadwinner can no longer provide for the family as a result of job loss or death. The message implies that failure to do so creates "pains that time alone cannot heal" (ThisDay, 1998, Nov. 29, p. 24). If the breadwinner fails to purchase a policy, the head-of-household does not provide financial security for the family. Using protection as a theme in radio, Johnson Wax, producer of Raid Aerial insect killer, urges Nigerians to protect their families from diseases such as malaria by spraying with the insecticide before bedtime to kill mosquitoes. The advertisement describes the insecticide as people friendly because the product does not cause colds or coughs generally associated with other insecticides. The advertisement claims the insecticide is "gentle on you and deadly on insects." [41]

Family is also used in two television advertisements to promote a detergent and cooking oil. Both television spots show a mother at home using one of these products. In the detergent advertisement, two large bowls containing laundry are shown as a mother uses her hands to wash the clothes. The water in one of the bowls [containing the dirty clothes] looks very dirty while the other bowl [containing the washed clothes] looks very bright. In a Sonola cooking oil television ad, a wide shot of a mother is shown using Sonola cooking oil to prepare her family's meal. The mother implies in her statement that the cooking oil enables her to prepare tasteful and nutritious food for the family. These advertisements use motherhood as an appeal to show that Nigerian mothers care for their families. The detergent advertisement demonstrates that by washing the family's clothing the mother is keeping her household clean and free from germs that might cause illness. The cooking oil ad demonstrates that mothers keep their families healthy and strong by providing the household with tasteful and nutritious food. [42]

One of Bic's advertisements demonstrates the role of the family. The advertisement also uses family to convey other values. In the advertisement, a father dressed in business attire stands on the side and watches his son as the child does his homework. The text of the advertisement reads: "Writing well is a tradition that runs in the family" (ThisDay, 1998, Nov. 21, p. 8). The advertisement portrays the father as a successful man. The advertisement implies a man who commands authority and respect and must be emulated by his children and others in the community. The message was designed to encourage people to learn from this successful father who used Bic pens during his climb to the top.[43]

Studies show that more than one million Nigerians suffer from diabetes, which might lead to stroke, heart attack, kidney disease, impaired vision, and sudden death. Armed with these statistics, an ad sponsored by Neithmeth International Pharmaceuticals reminds Nigerians of the need for regular physicals. The advertisement shows a healthy-looking son talking to his pot-bellied father. The message urges Nigerians to show "this page to your family and friends" because "you could save a life" (Tell, Oct. 1998, p. 18). This promotion tends to promote the concept of collectivism (Hofstede, 1980; 1983). [44]

To promote human relationships and development at societal levels, Mutual Life and General Insurance Limited describes itself as a firm that cares, shares, a